http://hdl.handle.net/10027/8801 Sat, 25 May 2013 03:20:24 GMT 2013-05-25T03:20:24Z http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9784 Surviving Domestic Violence: An Exploratory Analysis of Survivor Needs Domestic violence is a persistent problem that impacts individuals and communities. Unaddressed violence can have serious psychological effects and, if prolonged, can lead to the death of the victim. Out of concern for victims and their families, research has centered on individuals who wish to leave abusive relationships. Initiatives have been implemented to provide resources that criminalize abusive behavior and assist victims in leaving abusive relationships. Overall, these resources were designed for victims of domestic violence who are in immediate crisis, those who experience severe abuse, and those who want to leave their relationships. However, less attention has been given to the needs of those who experience less lethal abuse and who choose to remain in relationships with their abusers. With this study, I sought to fill this gap. I examined the experiences of 20 female victims of domestic violence who have remained in romantic relationships with their abusers. Specifically, I explored survivors’ perceptions of safety when remaining in their relationships and identified six needs that, when met, would assist participants with ending the abuse. Thu, 21 Feb 2013 06:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9784 2013-02-21T06:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9738 An Examination of Police Cynicism in Turkey and Its Impacts on Officers’ Perception of Corruption An Examination of Police Cynicism in Turkey and Its Impacts on Officers’ Perception of Corruption Seyfullah Bucak, Ph.D. Department of Criminology, Law and Justice University of Illinois at Chicago Chicago, Illinois (2012) Dissertation Chairperson: Amie Schuck Corruption, in particular police corruption, has become a problem for societies and institutions for decades. Attempting to imagine a community without corruption is almost impossible. However, it is possible to see that corruption is much more endemic in some societies or groups than others; and while some officers become corrupt, others do not. Why corruption affects some people, institutions, or societies more than others is a question that should be answered. This study suggests that police officers become corrupt due to organizational culture and through socialization. Some individual characteristics may affect the level of vulnerability of officers to corruption. This study is aimed at examining the extent of cynicism among Turkish Police. Cynicism as a fundamental element of police subculture is considered an important factor influencing integrity and so corruption. The study, thus, also investigated how cynicism affects the perception of seriousness of corruption/integrity. This study utilized secondary data derived from the cross sectional survey of police officers in Turkey. The study findings revealed that cynicism is multidimensional and police officers displayed a high level of cynicism towards the majority of the cynicism items. In addition, cynicism is a significant predictor of perception of seriousness of corruption/integrity. Moreover, officers’ perception of corruption changed depending on certain demographic and organizational features of officers. Thu, 21 Feb 2013 06:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9738 2013-02-21T06:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9726 Police Use of Public Overt Surveillance Technology The use of surveillance technology in the public arena by law enforcement agencies has become widespread in the United States (U.S.). Despite the proliferation of Public Overt Surveillance Technology (POST) programs, little is known about public attitudes toward POST and how police develop and implement POST programs. An analysis of public attitudes toward police surveillance and an in-depth examination of police uses of POST and resulting data in the U.S. were completed using several methods. Regression analysis was used to analyze responses to two surveys about police surveillance. Descriptive and exploratory methods were used to document and understand the inception, development, and implementation of POST programs in one case study city in the U.S. as well as other large U.S. police agencies. Media reports and case law on privacy were reviewed to further develop an understanding of POST in the U.S. Public attitudes toward surveillance were overall positive among survey respondents, but financial and social costs associated with increased public surveillance are complex and likely not well understood. The case study revealed that the uses of POST and resulting data are small compared to the amount of data being collected and police activities overall, raising questions about benefits relative to costs. Similarities among law enforcement surveillance programs exist but the local context and culture are important in the development and implementation of surveillance programs. Law enforcement agencies that engage in public surveillance programs do not always include the communities that they serve in POST planning and on-going operations. Despite what appears to be wide acceptance of police use of POST, media outlets have largely ignored the potential negative impacts of increased government surveillance on privacy. Media accounts may contribute to widespread acceptance of police surveillance and fear of crime. Fourth Amendment case law has been considered by police in design and training but POST programs are largely unregulated by authorities outside the police department. Both police and community can benefit from transparency in POST programs and open dialogue about intended goals, appropriate uses and boundaries. Thu, 21 Feb 2013 06:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9726 2013-02-21T06:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9567 Reintegration of Former Soldiers of the Haitian Armed Forces Reintegration of Former Soldiers of the Haitian Armed Forces NIXON MOMBRUN CAMILIEN Department of Criminology, Law and Justice University of Illinois at Chicago Chicago, Illinois (2012) Chair: John Hagedorn This is a study about problems with the reintegration of former soldiers of the Haitian Armed Forces (FAd’H). In dialogue with the relevant literature, I applied three variables measuring reintegration through interviews to a sample of 32 former FAd’H soldiers, namely 1) employment status, 2) ties to former commanders, and 3) stake in the political process. I also used written documents and informal conversations to enhance the analysis. The research found that FAd’H did not embrace demobilization and reintegration; instead, they advocate and pursue remobilization more for economic than ideological reasons. There exist networks of communication that allows FAd’H soldiers to maintain a military identity and sustain hope of resuming their military career. In addition, the demobilization and reintegration program (DRP) that was implemented to facilitate the reintegration of soldiers as civilians was at best ineffective for the long term reintegration of demobilized FAd’H soldiers. This failure of the DRP to have a long term positive impact raises serious questions about theories and implementation of Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration (DDR). In the end, this research establishes that the government should officially retire all FAd’H with a financial settlement and a legally binding agreement. This would address the grievances of demobilized soldiers and cut the risk of spoilage activities by taking away the legitimacy of their grievances. Then, the constitutional issue must be addressed by either amending the constitution (Article 276-2) to abolish FAd’H or by recruiting a new generation of soldiers. This would delegitimize any future use of the name of FAd’H by illegal armed groups. Thu, 13 Dec 2012 06:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10027/9567 2012-12-13T06:00:00Z